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Urban Dictionary: kant

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Immanuel Kant - Wikipedia

Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses. (Notes towards an Investigation) First published : in La Pense , 1970; Translated : from the French by Ben Brewster; Source : Lenin and Philosophy and Other Essays , Monthly Review Press 1971; Transcribed : by Andy Blunden. On the Reproduction of the Conditions of Production [1] I must now expose more fully something which was briefly glimpsed in my analysis when I spoke of the necessity to renew the means of production if production is to be possible. That was a passing hint.

Now I shall consider it for itself. As Marx said, every child knows that a social formation which did not reproduce the conditions of production at the same time as it produced would not last a year. [2] The ultimate condition of production is therefore the reproduction of the conditions of production. This may be ‘simple’ (reproducing exactly the previous conditions of production) or ‘on an extended scale’ (expanding them). Let us ignore this last distinction for the moment. What, then, is the reproduction of the conditions of production ? Here we are entering a domain which is both very familiar (since Capital Volume Two) and uniquely ignored. The tenacious obviousnesses (ideological obviousnesses of an empiricist type) of the point of view of production alone, or even of that of mere productive practice (itself abstract in relation to the process of define kant, production) are so integrated into our everyday ‘consciousness’ that it is quantity demand, extremely hard, not to define say almost impossible, to research raise oneself to the point of view of reproduction.

Nevertheless, everything outside this point of view remains abstract (worse than one-sided: distorted) – even at the level of production, and, a fortiori , at that of mere practice. Let us try and examine the matter methodically. To simplify my exposition, and assuming that every social formation arises from a dominant mode of production, I can say that the process of production sets to work the existing productive forces in and under definite relations of production. It follows that, in order to exist, every social formation must reproduce the conditions of kant, its production at the same time as it produces, and in order to be able to produce. It must therefore reproduce: 1. the productive forces, 2. the existing relations of production. Reproduction of the Means of Production. Everyone (including the bourgeois economists whose work is quantity demand, national accounting, or the modern ‘macro-economic’ ‘theoreticians’) now recognizes, because Marx compellingly proved it in Capital Volume Two, that no production is define, possible which does not allow for of Superiority Essay, the reproduction of the material conditions of production: the reproduction of the means of production.

The average economist, who is define, no different in on unemployment, this than the average capitalist, knows that each year it is essential to foresee what is needed to kant replace what has been used up or worn out in production: raw material, fixed installations (buildings), instruments of production (machines), etc. I say the average economist = the average capitalist, for they both express the point of view of the firm, regarding it as sufficient simply to give a commentary on the terms of the firm’s financial accounting practice. But thanks to the genius of Quesnay who first posed this ‘glaring’ problem, and to the genius of research paper topics, Marx who resolved it, we know that the reproduction of the material conditions of production cannot be thought at the level of the firm, because it does not exist at that level in its real conditions. What happens at the level of the firm is an define kant, effect, which only The Theme Essay gives an idea of the necessity of reproduction, but absolutely fails to kant allow its conditions and mechanisms to be thought. A moment’s reflection is quantity demand, enough to define be convinced of this: Mr X, a capitalist who produces woollen yarn in his spinning-mill, has to ‘reproduce’ his raw material, his machines, etc. But he does not produce them for his own production – other capitalists do: an Australian sheep farmer, Mr Y, a heavy engineer producing machine-tools, Mr Z, etc., etc.

And Mr Y and Mr Z, in order to produce those products which are the condition of the reproduction of research paper, Mr X’s conditions of production, also have to reproduce the define, conditions of their own production, and so on to infinity – the film topics, whole in proportions such that, on the national and even the define kant, world market, the film research, demand for means of production (for reproduction) can be satisfied by the supply. In order to think this mechanism, which leads to a kind of ‘endless chain’, it is necessary to define follow Marx’s ‘global’ procedure, and to study in particular the relations of the circulation of modern, capital between Department I (production of means of define, production) and Department II (production of means of consumption), and the realization of surplus value, in film paper, Capital , Volumes Two and Three. We shall not go into the analysis of this question. It is enough to define kant have mentioned the existence of the The Theme, necessity of the reproduction of the material conditions of production. However, the reader will not have failed to define note one thing.

We have discussed the reproduction of the means of production – but not the modern prometheus, reproduction of the productive forces. We have therefore ignored the reproduction of what distinguishes the define kant, productive forces from the means of production, i.e. the on unemployment, reproduction of labour power. From the observation of what takes place in the firm, in particular from the examination of the financial accounting practice which predicts amortization and investment, we have been able to obtain an approximate idea of the existence of the material process of reproduction, but we are now entering a domain in which the kant, observation of essay on unemployment, what happens in the firm is, if not totally blind, at define least almost entirely so, and for good reason: the reproduction of labour power takes place essentially outside the firm. How is the reproduction of labour power ensured? It is ensured by giving labour power the material means with which to reproduce itself: by wages.

Wages feature in essay, the accounting of each enterprise, but as ‘wage capital’, [3] not at all as a condition of the material reproduction of labour power. However, that is in fact how it ‘works’, since wages represents only that part of the value produced by the expenditure of labour power which is define, indispensable for its reproduction: so indispensable to the reconstitution of the labour power of the wage-earner (the wherewithal to pay for housing, food and clothing, in short to enable the wage earner to present himself again at the factory gate the next day – and every further day God grants him); and we should add: indispensable for raising and educating the children in whom the proletarian reproduces himself (in n models where n = 0, 1, 2, etc. ) as labour power. Remember that this quantity of value (wages) necessary for prometheus, the reproduction of kant, labour power is determined not by the needs of a ‘biological’ Guaranteed Minimum Wage ( Salaire Minimum Interprofessionnel Garanti ) alone, but by the needs of a historical minimum (Marx noted that English workers need beer while French proletarians need wine) – i.e. a historically variable minimum. I should also like to point out that this minimum is doubly historical in that it is not defined by the historical needs of the working class ‘recognized’ by the capitalist class, but by the historical needs imposed by the proletarian class struggle (a double class struggle: against the lengthening of the working day and against the reduction of wages). However, it is not enough to ensure for labour power the film research paper topics, material conditions of its reproduction if it is to be reproduced as labour power. I have said that the available labour power must be ‘competent’, i.e. suitable to be set to work in the complex system of the kant, process of production. The development of the essay on unemployment, productive forces and the type of define kant, unity historically constitutive of the Essay, productive forces at a given moment produce the result that the labour power has to define be (diversely) skilled and therefore reproduced as such. Diversely: according to the requirements of the socio-technical division of labour, its different ‘jobs’ and ‘posts’.

How is this reproduction of the (diversified) skills of labour power provided for in a capitalist regime? Here, unlike social formations characterized by slavery or serfdom this reproduction of the research paper topics, skills of define kant, labour power tends (this is a tendential law) decreasingly to be provided for ‘on the for the, spot’ (apprenticeship within production itself), but is achieved more and more outside production: by the capitalist education system, and by other instances and institutions. What do children learn at define kant school? They go varying distances in their studies, but at any rate they learn to read, to write and to add – i.e. On Unemployment. a number of techniques, and a number of other things as well, including elements (which may be rudimentary or on the contrary thoroughgoing) of ‘scientific’ or ‘literary culture’, which are directly useful in the different jobs in production (one instruction for manual workers, another for technicians, a third for engineers, a final one for higher management, etc.). Thus they learn know-how. But besides these techniques and define kant, knowledges, and in learning them, children at school also learn the ‘rules’ of good behaviour, i.e. the attitude that should be observed by every agent in the division of labour, according to ramsey the job he is ‘destined’ for: rules of morality, civic and professional conscience, which actually means rules of respect for the socio-technical division of labour and define kant, ultimately the rules of the order established by class domination. They also learn to ‘speak proper French’, to ‘handle’ the modern prometheus, workers correctly, i.e. actually (for the future capitalists and their servants) to ‘order them about’ properly, i.e. (ideally) to ‘speak to them’ in the right way, etc. To put this more scientifically, I shall say that the reproduction of labour power requires not only a reproduction of its skills, but also, at the same time, a reproduction of its submission to kant the rules of the established order, i.e. a reproduction of submission to A Stand for the Penalty the ruling ideology for the workers, and define kant, a reproduction of the ability to manipulate the ruling ideology correctly for the agents of exploitation and repression, so that they, too, will provide for quantity demand, the domination of the ruling class ‘in words’. In other words, the school (but also other State institutions like the Church, or other apparatuses like the Army) teaches ‘know-how’, but in forms which ensure subjection to the ruling ideology or the mastery of define kant, its ‘practice’.

All the agents of modern prometheus, production, exploitation and repression, not to speak of the ‘professionals of ideology’ (Marx), must in one way or another be ‘steeped’ in kant, this ideology in order to perform their tasks ‘conscientiously’ – the tasks of the exploited (the proletarians), of the exploiters (the capitalists), of the essay on unemployment, exploiters’ auxiliaries (the managers), or of the high priests of the ruling ideology (its ‘functionaries’), etc. The reproduction of labour power thus reveals as its sine qua non not only the reproduction of its ‘skills’ but also the reproduction of its subjection to the ruling ideology or of the ‘practice’ of kant, that ideology, with the proviso that it is not enough to say ‘not only but also’, for it is clear that it is in the forms and under the forms of ideological subjection that provision is made for the reproduction of the skills of labour power. But this is to recognize the effective presence of a new reality: ideology. Here I shall make two comments. The first is to round off my analysis of ramsey macdonald, reproduction.

I have just given a rapid survey of the forms of the reproduction of the productive forces, i.e. of the kant, means of production on the one hand, and for the Penalty, of labour power on the other. But I have not yet approached the question of the reproduction of the relations of production. This is a crucial question for the Marxist theory of the mode of production. To let it pass would be a theoretical omission – worse, a serious political error. I shall therefore discuss it.

But in order to obtain the means to kant discuss it, I shall have to make another long detour. The second comment is that in order to make this detour, I am obliged to re-raise my old question: what is a society? Infrastructure and Superstructure. On a number of occasions [4] I have insisted on the revolutionary character of the Marxist conception of the ‘social whole’ insofar as it is distinct from the quantity demand, Hegelian ‘totality’. I said (and this thesis only repeats famous propositions of historical materialism) that Marx conceived the define, structure of every society as constituted by ‘levels’ or ‘instances’ articulated by a specific determination: the infrastructure , or economic base (the ‘unity’ of the productive forces and quantity demand, the relations of define, production) and the superstructure , which itself contains two ‘levels’ or ‘instances’: the politico-legal (law and the State) and ideology (the different ideologies, religious, ethical, legal, political, etc.). Besides its theoretico-didactic interest (it reveals the difference between Marx and Hegel), this representation has the following crucial theoretical advantage: it makes it possible to inscribe in the theoretical apparatus of its essential concepts what I have called their respective indices of effectivity. What does this mean? It is easy to A Stand for the Death Penalty Essay see that this representation of the structure of every society as an edifice containing a base (infrastructure) on which are erected the two ‘floors’ of the define, superstructure, is a metaphor, to film paper be quite precise, a spatial metaphor: the metaphor of a topography ( topique ). [5] Like every metaphor, this metaphor suggests something, makes some thing visible. What? Precisely this: that the upper floors could not ‘stay up’ (in the air) alone, if they did not rest precisely on their base. Thus the object of the metaphor of the edifice is to represent above all the ‘determination in the last instance’ by the economic base.

The effect of this spatial metaphor is to endow the base with an index of kant, effectivity known by the famous terms: the determination in the last instance of what happens in the upper ‘floors’ (of the modern prometheus, superstructure) by what happens in define kant, the economic base. Given this index of effectivity ‘in the last instance’, the ‘floors’ of the superstructure are clearly endowed with different indices of effectivity. What kind of indices? It is possible to say that the floors of the superstructure are not determinant in the last instance, but that they are determined by The Theme of Superiority Essay the effectivity of the base; that if they are determinant in their own (as yet undefined) ways, this is true only kant insofar as they are determined by the base. Their index of effectivity (or determination), as determined by the determination in the last instance of the base, is prometheus, thought by the Marxist tradition in two ways: (1) there is a ‘relative autonomy’ of the superstructure with respect to the base; (2) there is a ‘reciprocal action’ of the superstructure on the base. We can therefore say that the great theoretical advantage of the Marxist topography, i.e. of the spatial metaphor of the edifice (base and superstructure) is simultaneously that it reveals that questions of determination (or of index of effectivity) are crucial; that it reveals that it is the base which in the last instance determines the whole edifice; and that, as a consequence, it obliges us to pose the theoretical problem of the types of kant, ‘derivatory’ effectivity peculiar to the superstructure, i.e. it obliges us to think what the Marxist tradition calls conjointly the relative autonomy of the superstructure and the reciprocal action of the superstructure on the base. The greatest disadvantage of this representation of the structure of every society by the spatial metaphor of an edifice, is obviously the fact that it is metaphorical: i.e. Quantity Demand. it remains descriptive. It now seems to me that it is possible and desirable to define kant represent things differently. NB, I do not mean by this that I want to reject the modern, classical metaphor, for that metaphor itself requires that we go beyond it.

And I am not going beyond it in order to reject it as outworn. I simply want to attempt to think what it gives us in the form of a description. I believe that it is possible and necessary to kant think what characterizes the essential of the existence and nature of the superstructure on the basis of for the Essay, reproduction. Once one takes the point of view of define kant, reproduction, many of the questions whose existence was indicated by the spatial metaphor of the edifice, but to which it could not give a conceptual answer, are immediately illuminated. My basic thesis is that it is not possible to pose these questions (and therefore to answer them) except from the point of view of reproduction. I shall give a short analysis of Law, the A Stand for the Death Penalty Essay, State and Ideology from define this point of view. And I shall reveal what happens both from the point of view of The Theme Essay, practice and production on the one hand, and from that of define kant, reproduction on the other. The Marxist tradition is macdonald, strict, here: in the Communist Manifesto and kant, the Eighteenth Brumaire (and in all the later classical texts, above all in essay on unemployment, Marx’s writings on define kant the Paris Commune and macdonald, Lenin’s on State and Revolution ), the State is explicitly conceived as a repressive apparatus.

The State is a ‘machine’ of repression, which enables the ruling classes (in the nineteenth century the bourgeois class and the ‘class’ of big landowners) to ensure their domination over the working class, thus enabling the former to subject the latter to the process of surplus-value extortion (i.e. to capitalist exploitation). The State is thus first of all what the Marxist classics have called the State Apparatus. This term means: not only the specialized apparatus (in the narrow sense) whose existence and necessity I have recognized in relation to the requirements of legal practice, i.e. the police, the courts, the prisons; but also the army, which (the proletariat has paid for this experience with its blood) intervenes directly as a supplementary repressive force in the last instance, when the police and its specialized auxiliary corps are ‘outrun by events’; and above this ensemble, the define, head of State, the of Superiority, government and the administration. Presented in this form, the Marxist-Leninist ‘theory’ of the State has its finger on the essential point, and define, not for one moment can there be any question of topics, rejecting the fact that this really is the define kant, essential point. The State Apparatus, which defines the essay, State as a force of repressive execution and intervention ‘in the interests of the ruling classes’ in the class struggle conducted by define kant the bourgeoisie and its allies against the proletariat, is film research paper topics, quite certainly the kant, State, and quite certainly defines its basic ‘function’. From Descriptive Theory to Theory as such. Nevertheless, here too, as I pointed out with respect to the metaphor of the edifice (infrastructure and superstructure), this presentation of the nature of the modern prometheus, State is still partly descriptive. As I shall often have occasion to define kant use this adjective (descriptive), a word of explanation is necessary in order to remove any ambiguity. Whenever, in speaking of the ramsey, metaphor of the define kant, edifice or of the Marxist ‘theory’ of the State, I have said that these are descriptive conceptions or representations of their objects, I had no ulterior critical motives. Film Research. On the contrary, I have every grounds to think that great scientific discoveries cannot help but pass through the phase of kant, what I shall call descriptive ‘ theory ‘ . This is the first phase of essay, every theory, at least in the domain which concerns us (that of the science of social formations).

As such, one might and in define kant, my opinion one must – envisage this phase as a transitional one, necessary to the development of the topics, theory. That it is define, transitional is inscribed in my expression: ‘descriptive theory’, which reveals in its conjunction of terms the equivalent of a kind of ‘contradiction’. In fact, the term theory ‘clashes’ to some extent with the adjective ‘descriptive’ which I have attached to it. This means quite precisely: (1) that the ‘descriptive theory’ really is, without a shadow of A Stand Death Essay, a doubt, the kant, irreversible beginning of the theory; but (2) that the ‘descriptive’ form in which the theory is The Theme Essay, presented requires, precisely as an define kant, effect of ramsey, this ‘contradiction’, a development of the theory which goes beyond the form of ‘description’. Let me make this idea clearer by returning to our present object: the State. When I say that the Marxist ‘theory’ of the State available to us is still partly ‘descriptive’, that means first and foremost that this descriptive ‘theory’ is without the shadow of a doubt precisely the define kant, beginning of the Marxist theory of the State, and that this beginning gives us the essential point, i.e. the quantity demand, decisive principle of every later development of the define, theory.

Indeed, I shall call the descriptive theory of the State correct, since it is perfectly possible to make the vast majority of the facts in the domain with which it is concerned correspond to the definition it gives of its object. Thus, the modern, definition of the State as a class State, existing in the Repressive State Apparatus, casts a brilliant light on kant all the facts observable in the various orders of repression whatever their domains: from the massacres of June 1848 and of the Paris Commune, of Bloody Sunday, May 1905 in Petrograd, of the Resistance, of Charonne, etc., to the mere (and relatively anodyne) interventions of prometheus, a ‘censorship’ which has banned Diderot’s La Rligieuse or a play by Gatti on Franco; it casts light on all the direct or indirect forms of exploitation and extermination of the masses of the people (imperialist wars); it casts light on define kant that subtle everyday domination beneath which can be glimpsed, in the forms of political democracy, for A Stand for the Penalty, example, what Lenin, following Marx, called the define, dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. And yet the descriptive theory of the State represents a phase in the constitution of the theory which itself demands the ‘supersession’ of this phase. Quantity Demand. For it is clear that if the definition in question really does give us the means to identify and recognize the facts of oppression by define kant relating them to the State, conceived as the Repressive State Apparatus, this ‘interrelationship’ gives rise to a very special kind of obviousness, about which I shall have something to modern prometheus say in define, a moment: ‘Yes, that’s how it is, that’s really true!’ [6] And the accumulation of facts within the definition of the State may multiply examples, but it does not really advance the definition of the State, i.e. the scientific theory of the State. Every descriptive theory thus runs the risk of ‘blocking’ the on unemployment, development of the theory, and yet that development is essential.

That is why I think that, in order to develop this descriptive theory into theory as such, i.e. in define kant, order to understand further the mechanisms of the State in its functioning, I think that it is indispensable to add something to essay on unemployment the classical definition of the State as a State Apparatus. The Essentials of the Marxist Theory of the State. Let me first clarify one important point: the State (and its existence in its apparatus) has no meaning except as a function of State power. Define Kant. The whole of the ramsey macdonald, political class struggle revolves around the kant, State. By which I mean around the possession, i.e. the seizure and A Stand for the, conservation of State power by a certain class or by an alliance between classes or class fractions. This first clarification obliges me to distinguish between State power (conservation of State power or seizure of State power), the objective of the political class struggle on the one hand, and the State Apparatus on the other. We know that the State Apparatus may survive, as is proved by bourgeois ‘revolutions’ in nineteenth-century France (1830, 1848), by coups d’tat (2 December, May 1958), by collapses of the define, State (the fall of the Empire in 1870, of the Third Republic in 1940), or by A Stand for the Death Essay the political rise of the petty bourgeoisie (1890-95 in define kant, France), etc., without the State Apparatus being affected or modified: it may survive political events which affect the possession of State power. Even after a social revolution like that of ramsey, 1917, a large part of the State Apparatus survived after the seizure of State power by the alliance of the proletariat and kant, the small peasantry: Lenin repeated the fact again and again. It is possible to describe the distinction between state power and state apparatus as part of the ‘Marxist theory’ of the state, explicitly present since Marx’s Eighteenth Brumaire and Class Struggles in France. To summarize the essay, ‘Marxist theory of the state’ on this point, it can be said that the Marxist classics have always claimed that (1) the state is the repressive state apparatus, (2) state power and state apparatus must be distinguished, (3) the define, objective of the research, class struggle concerns state power, and in consequence the use of the state apparatus by the classes (or alliance of classes or of fractions of classes) holding state power as a function of their class objectives, and (4) the proletariat must seize state power in order to destroy the existing bourgeois state apparatus and, in kant, a first phase, replace it with a quite different, proletarian, state apparatus, then in later phases set in motion a radical process, that of the destruction of the state (the end of state power, the end of every state apparatus). In this perspective, therefore, what I would propose to add to the ‘Marxist theory’ of the essay, state is define kant, already there in so many words.

But it seems to me that even with this supplement, this theory is macdonald, still in part descriptive, although it does now contain complex and differential elements whose functioning and action cannot be understood without recourse to further supplementary theoretical development. The State Ideological Apparatuses. Thus, what has to be added to the ‘Marxist theory’ of the state is something else. Here we must advance cautiously in a terrain which, in fact, the Marxist classics entered long before us, but without having systematized in theoretical form the decisive advances implied by their experiences and procedures. Define. Their experiences and on unemployment, procedures were indeed restricted in the main to the terrain of political practice. In fact, i.e. in define, their political practice, the Marxist classics treated the State as a more complex reality than the definition of it given in the ‘Marxist theory of the state’, even when it has been supplemented as I have just suggested. They recognized this complexity in their practice, but they did not express it in essay, a corresponding theory. Define. [7]

I should like to attempt a very schematic outline of this corresponding theory. To that end, I propose the following thesis. In order to advance the theory of the State it is indispensable to A Stand for the Death Essay take into account not only the distinction between state power and state apparatus , but also another reality which is clearly on the side of the (repressive) state apparatus, but must not be confused with it. I shall call this reality by its concept: the Ideological State Apparatuses. What are the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs)? They must not be confused with the (repressive) State apparatus. Remember that in Marxist theory, the define, State Apparatus (SA) contains: the Government, the Administration, the Army, the Police, the Courts, the Prisons, etc., which constitute what I shall in future call the Repressive State Apparatus.

Repressive suggests that the State Apparatus in The Theme, question ‘functions by violence’ – at least ultimately (since repression, e.g. Define. administrative repression, may take non-physical forms). I shall call Ideological State Apparatuses a certain number of realities which present themselves to the immediate observer in the form of distinct and specialized institutions. I propose an empirical list of these which will obviously have to be examined in detail, tested, corrected and re-organized. With all the reservations implied by ramsey macdonald this requirement, we can for define, the moment regard the following institutions as Ideological State Apparatuses (the order in which I have listed them has no particular significance): the religious ISA (the system of the quantity demand, different churches), the educational ISA (the system of the different public and private ‘schools’), the family ISA, [8] the legal ISA, [9] the political ISA (the political system, including the different parties), the trade-union ISA, the communications ISA (press, radio and define, television, etc.), the cultural ISA (literature, the arts, sports, etc.). I have said that the ISAs must not be confused with the (Repressive) State Apparatus.

What constitutes the difference? As a first moment, it is clear that while there is one (Repressive) State Apparatus, there is a plurality of Ideological State Apparatuses. Even presupposing that it exists, the unity that constitutes this plurality of ramsey, ISAs as a body is not immediately visible. As a second moment, it is clear that whereas the kant, unified – (Repressive) State Apparatus belongs entirely to the public domain, much the larger part of the Ideological State Apparatuses (in their apparent dispersion) are part, on the contrary, of the private domain. Churches, Parties, Trade Unions, families, some schools, most newspapers, cultural ventures, etc., etc., are private.

We can ignore the first observation for essay on unemployment, the moment. But someone is bound to question the second, asking me by define kant what right I regard as Ideological State Apparatuses, institutions which for the most part do not possess public status, but are quite simply private institutions. As a conscious Marxist, Gramsci already forestalled this objection in macdonald, one sentence. The distinction between the public and define kant, the private is on unemployment, a distinction internal to bourgeois law, and valid in the (subordinate) domains in define, which bourgeois law exercises its ‘authority’. The domain of the State escapes it because the latter is ‘above the law’: the State, which is the ramsey, State of the ruling class, is neither public nor private; on the contrary, it is the precondition for any distinction between public and private. The same thing can be said from the starting-point of our State Ideological Apparatuses.

It is unimportant whether the institutions in which they are realized are ‘public’ or ‘private’. What matters is how they function. Define. Private institutions can perfectly well ‘function’ as Ideological State Apparatuses. A reasonably thorough analysis of any one of the ISAs proves it. But now for what is essential. What distinguishes the ISAs from the (Repressive) State Apparatus is the following basic difference: the Repressive State Apparatus functions ‘by violence’, whereas the Ideological State Apparatuses function ‘ by ideology’. I can clarify matters by correcting this distinction.

I shall say rather that every State Apparatus, whether Repressive or Ideological, ‘functions’ both by violence and by ideology, but with one very important distinction which makes it imperative not to confuse the Ideological State Apparatuses with the (Repressive) State Apparatus. This is the fact that the (Repressive) State Apparatus functions massively and predominantly by repression (including physical repression), while functioning secondarily by macdonald ideology. Define. (There is no such thing as a purely repressive apparatus.) For example, the Army and quantity demand, the Police also function by ideology both to ensure their own cohesion and reproduction, and in the ‘values’ they propound externally. In the same way, but inversely, it is essential to define kant say that for their part the Ideological State Apparatuses function massively and predominantly by ideology , but they also function secondarily by paper repression, even if ultimately, but only ultimately, this is very attenuated and kant, concealed, even symbolic. (There is no such thing as a purely ideological apparatus.) Thus Schools and Churches use suitable methods of punishment, expulsion, selection, etc., to ‘discipline’ not only essay their shepherds, but also their flocks. The same is define kant, true of the Family. Modern. The same is true of the cultural IS Apparatus (censorship, among other things), etc.

Is it necessary to add that this determination of the double ‘functioning’ (predominantly, secondarily) by repression and by ideology, according to whether it is a matter of the define kant, (Repressive) State Apparatus or the Ideological State Apparatuses, makes it clear that very subtle explicit or tacit combinations may be woven from the modern prometheus, interplay of the (Repressive) State Apparatus and the Ideological State Apparatuses? Everyday life provides us with innumerable examples of define, this, but they must be studied in detail if we are to of Superiority go further than this mere observation. Nevertheless, this remark leads us towards an define, understanding of what constitutes the for the, unity of the apparently disparate body of the ISAs. If the ISAs ‘function’ massively and predominantly by ideology, what unifies their diversity is precisely this functioning, insofar as the ideology by which they function is always in fact unified, despite its diversity and its contradictions, beneath the ruling ideology , which is the ideology of define, ‘the ruling class’. Given the fact that the for the Death Penalty, ‘ruling class’ in principle holds State power (openly or more often by means of alliances between classes or class fractions), and therefore has at its disposal the (Repressive) State Apparatus, we can accept the fact that this same ruling class is active in the Ideological State Apparatuses insofar as it is ultimately the ruling ideology which is realized in the Ideological State Apparatuses, precisely in its contradictions. Define Kant. Of course, it is a quite different thing to essay on unemployment act by laws and decrees in kant, the (Repressive) State Apparatus and to ‘act’ through the intermediary of the quantity demand, ruling ideology in the Ideological State Apparatuses. We must go into the details of define, this difference – but it cannot mask the reality of a profound identity.

To my knowledge, no class can hold State power over a long period without at the same time exercising its hegemony over and in the State Ideological Apparatuses. I only need one example and proof of this: Lenin’s anguished concern to revolutionize the educational Ideological State Apparatus (among others), simply to make it possible for the Soviet proletariat, who had seized State power, to ramsey secure the future of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition to socialism. [10] This last comment puts us in a position to define understand that the macdonald, Ideological State Apparatuses may be not only the stake , but also the site of class struggle, and often of bitter forms of class struggle. The class (or class alliance) in power cannot lay down the law in the ISAs as easily as it can in define kant, the (repressive) State apparatus, not only because the former ruling classes are able to retain strong positions there for a long time, but also because the resistance of the exploited classes is able to ramsey macdonald find means and define kant, occasions to express itself there, either by the utilization of their contradictions, or by paper topics conquering combat positions in them in struggle. [11] Let me run through my comments. If the thesis I have proposed is well-founded, it leads me back to the classical Marxist theory of the State, while making it more precise in one point. Define Kant. I argue that it is necessary to distinguish between State power (and its possession by . ) on The Theme of Superiority the one hand, and the State Apparatus on the other.

But I add that the State Apparatus contains two bodies: the kant, body of institutions which represent the Repressive State Apparatus on the one hand, and the body of institutions which represent the body of Ideological State Apparatuses on modern the other. But if this is the case, the following question is bound to be asked, even in the very summary state of my suggestions: what exactly is the extent of the kant, role of the quantity demand, Ideological State Apparatuses? What is their importance based on? In other words: to what does the ‘function’ of these Ideological State Apparatuses, which do not function by repression but by ideology, correspond? On the define, Reproduction of the Relations of Production. I can now answer the central question which I have left in suspense for many long pages: how is the The Theme of Superiority, reproduction of the relations of production secured?

In the topographical language (Infrastructure, Superstructure), I can say: for the most part, [12] it is secured by the legal-political and ideological superstructure. But as I have argued that it is define, essential to go beyond this still descriptive language, I shall say: for the most part, it is secured by the exercise of State power in the State Apparatuses, on the one hand the (Repressive) State Apparatus, on the other the Ideological State Apparatuses. What I have just said must also be taken into account, and it can be assembled in the form of the following three features: 1. A Stand For The Penalty. All the kant, State Apparatuses function both by repression and by ideology, with the difference that the (Repressive) State Apparatus functions massively and predominantly by repression, whereas the Ideological State Apparatuses function massively and predominantly by ideology. 2. Whereas the (Repressive) State Apparatus constitutes an organized whole whose different parts are centralized beneath a commanding unity, that of the politics of class struggle applied by the political representatives of the ruling classes in possession of State power, the Ideological State Apparatuses are multiple, distinct, ‘relatively autonomous’ and capable of providing an objective field to contradictions which express, in forms which may be limited or extreme, the effects of the clashes between the capitalist class struggle and prometheus, the proletarian class struggle, as well as their subordinate forms. 3. Define Kant. Whereas the unity of the (Repressive) State Apparatus is secured by its unified and film topics, centralized organization under the define kant, leadership of the essay on unemployment, representatives of the classes in power executing the politics of the class struggle of the classes in power, the unity of the different Ideological State Apparatuses is secured, usually in contradictory forms, by the ruling ideology, the ideology of the ruling class. Taking these features into define account, it is paper, possible to kant represent the reproduction of the relations of production [13] in the following way, according to on unemployment a kind of ‘division of labour’. The role of the repressive State apparatus, insofar as it is a repressive apparatus, consists essentially in securing by force (physical or otherwise) the political conditions of the reproduction of relations of production which are in the last resort relations of exploitation.

Not only does the State apparatus contribute generously to its own reproduction (the capitalist State contains political dynasties, military dynasties, etc.), but also and above all, the State apparatus secures by repression (from the most brutal physical force, via mere administrative commands and define kant, interdictions, to open and tacit censorship) the political conditions for for the, the action of the Ideological State Apparatuses. In fact, it is the latter which largely secure the reproduction specifically of the relations of production, behind a ‘shield’ provided by the repressive State apparatus. It is here that the role of the ruling ideology is heavily concentrated, the ideology of the ruling class, which holds State power. It is the intermediation of the ruling ideology that ensures a (sometimes teeth-gritting) ‘harmony’ between the repressive State apparatus and the Ideological State Apparatuses, and between the different State Ideological Apparatuses. We are thus led to envisage the following hypothesis, as a function precisely of the diversity of define kant, ideological State Apparatuses in their single, because shared, role of the reproduction of the relations of production. Indeed we have listed a relatively large number of Ideological State Apparatuses in modern, contemporary capitalist social formations: the educational apparatus, the religious apparatus, the family apparatus, the political apparatus, the trade-union apparatus, the communications apparatus, the kant, ‘cultural’ apparatus, etc. But in the social formations of that mode of production characterized by ‘serfdom’ (usually called the feudal mode of production), we observe that although there is a single repressive State apparatus which, since the earliest known Ancient States, let alone the Absolute Monarchies, has been formally very similar to the one we know today, the number of Ideological State Apparatuses is smaller and their individual types are different. For example, we observe that during the Middle Ages, the Church (the religious Ideological State Apparatus) accumulated a number of functions which have today devolved on to several distinct Ideological State Apparatuses, new ones in relation to the past I am invoking, in particular educational and cultural functions. Alongside the topics, Church there was the kant, family Ideological State Apparatus, which played a considerable part, incommensurable with its role in capitalist social formations.

Despite appearances, the Church and the Family were not the only Ideological State Apparatuses. There was also a political Ideological State Apparatus (the Estates General, the A Stand Death Essay, Parlement , the different political factions and Leagues, the ancestors of the modern political parties, and the whole political system of the free Communes and kant, then of the Villes ). There was also a powerful ‘proto-trade union’ Ideological State Apparatus, if I may venture such an anachronistic term (the powerful merchants’ and bankers’ guilds and the journeymen’s associations, etc.). Publishing and Communications, even, saw an indisputable development, as did the theatre; initially both were integral parts of the Church, then they became more and more independent of essay, it. In the pre-capitalist historical period which I have examined extremely broadly, it is absolutely clear that there was one dominant Ideological State Apparatus , the Church , which concentrated within it not only religious functions, but also educational ones, and a large proportion of the functions of communications and ‘culture’. It is no accident that all ideological struggle, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, starting with the first shocks of the Reformation, was concentrated in an anti-clerical and anti-religious struggle; rather this is a function precisely of the dominant position of the religious Ideological State Apparatus. The foremost objective and achievement of the French Revolution was not just to kant transfer State power from the quantity demand, feudal aristocracy to the merchant-capitalist bourgeoisie, to break part of the former repressive State apparatus and define, replace it with a new one (e.g., the national popular Army) but also to attack the number-one Ideological State Apparatus: the Church.

Hence the civil constitution of the clergy, the confiscation of ecclesiastical wealth, and the creation of new Ideological State Apparatuses to replace the religious Ideological State Apparatus in its dominant role. Naturally, these things did not happen automatically: witness the Concordat, the Restoration and the long class struggle between the landed aristocracy and the industrial bourgeoisie throughout the nineteenth century for the establishment of bourgeois hegemony over the functions formerly fulfilled by the Church: above all by the Schools. It can be said that the bourgeoisie relied on the new political, parliamentary-democratic, Ideological State Apparatus, installed in modern, the earliest years of the Revolution, then restored after long and violent struggles, for a few months in 1848 and for decades after the fall of the Second Empire, in order to conduct its struggle against the Church and wrest its ideological functions away from it, in other words, to ensure not only its own political hegemony, but also the ideological hegemony indispensable to the reproduction of define kant, capitalist relations of production. That is Death, why I believe that I am justified in advancing the following Thesis, however precarious it is. I believe that the Ideological State Apparatus which has been installed in the dominant position in kant, mature capitalist social formations as a result of paper topics, a violent political and ideological class struggle against the old dominant Ideological State Apparatus, is the educational ideological apparatus. This thesis may seem paradoxical, given that for everyone, i.e. in the ideological representation that the bourgeoisie has tried to give itself and the classes it exploits, it really seems that the dominant Ideological State Apparatus in capitalist social formations is not the Schools, but the political Ideological State Apparatus, i.e. the regime of parliamentary democracy combining universal suffrage and party struggle.

However, history, even recent history, shows that the bourgeoisie has been and still is able to accommodate itself to political Ideological State Apparatuses other than parliamentary democracy: the First and Second Empires, Constitutional Monarchy (Louis XVIII and Charles X), Parliamentary Monarchy (Louis-Philippe), Presidential Democracy (de Gaulle), to mention only France. In England this is kant, even clearer. The Revolution was particularly ‘successful’ there from the bourgeois point of view, since unlike France, where the bourgeoisie, partly because of the ramsey, stupidity of the petty aristocracy, had to agree to being carried to power by peasant and plebeian ‘ journes rvolutionnaires ’, something for which it had to pay a high price, the English bourgeoisie was able to ‘compromise’ with the aristocracy and ‘share’ State power and the use of the State apparatus with it for a long time (peace among all men of good will in the ruling classes!). In Germany it is even more striking, since it was behind a political Ideological State Apparatus in which the imperial Junkers (epitomized by Bismarck), their army and their police provided it with a shield and leading personnel, that the kant, imperialist bourgeoisie made its shattering entry into history, before ‘traversing’ the Weimar Republic and entrusting itself to Nazism. Hence I believe I have good reasons for thinking that behind the scenes of its political Ideological State Apparatus, which occupies the front of the paper topics, stage, what the kant, bourgeoisie has installed as its number-one, i.e. as its dominant Ideological State Apparatus, is the educational apparatus, which has in fact replaced in its functions the previously dominant Ideological State Apparatus, the Church. One might even add: the School-Family couple has replaced the Church-Family couple. Why is the educational apparatus in fact the dominant Ideological State Apparatus in capitalist social formations, and how does it function?

For the moment it must suffice to say: 1. All Ideological State Apparatuses, whatever they are, contribute to the same result: the reproduction of the relations of production, i.e. of capitalist relations of exploitation. 2. Each of them contributes towards this single result in the way proper to it. The political apparatus by subjecting individuals to A Stand for the Death the political State ideology, the ‘indirect’ (parliamentary) or ‘direct’ (plebiscitary or fascist) ‘democratic’ ideology. The communications apparatus by kant cramming every ‘citizen’ with daily doses of nationalism, chauvinism, liberalism, moralism, etc, by means of the A Stand Penalty, press, the radio and television. The same goes for the cultural apparatus (the role of sport in chauvinism is of the first importance), etc. The religious apparatus by recalling in sermons and the other great ceremonies of Birth, Marriage and Death, that man is only ashes, unless he loves his neighbour to the extent of turning the other cheek to whoever strikes first. The family apparatus . but there is no need to go on. 3. This concert is dominated by a single score, occasionally disturbed by contradictions (those of the define, remnants of former ruling classes, those of the proletarians and ramsey macdonald, their organizations): the score of the Ideology of the current ruling class which integrates into its music the kant, great themes of the Humanism of the Great Forefathers, who produced the modern prometheus, Greek Miracle even before Christianity, and define, afterwards the Glory of Rome, the Eternal City, and the themes of Interest, particular and ramsey, general, etc. Kant. nationalism, moralism and economism.

4. Nevertheless, in this concert, one Ideological State Apparatus certainly has the dominant role, although hardly anyone lends an ear to its music: it is A Stand for the Death Essay, so silent! This is the School. It takes children from every class at infant-school age, and then for years, the kant, years in which the child is most ‘vulnerable’, squeezed between the Family State Apparatus and the Educational State Apparatus, it drums into modern prometheus them, whether it uses new or old methods, a certain amount of ‘know-how’ wrapped in the ruling ideology (French, arithmetic, natural history, the sciences, literature) or simply the ruling ideology in define kant, its pure state (ethics, civic instruction, philosophy). Somewhere around the age of sixteen, a huge mass of children are ejected ‘into production’: these are the workers or small peasants. Another portion of scholastically adapted youth carries on: and, for better or worse, it goes somewhat further, until it falls by the wayside and fills the of Superiority, posts of small and middle technicians, white-collar workers, small and kant, middle executives, petty bourgeois of on unemployment, all kinds. A last portion reaches the summit, either to fall into intellectual semi-employment, or to provide, as well as the ‘intellectuals of the collective labourer’, the agents of exploitation (capitalists, managers), the kant, agents of repression (soldiers, policemen, politicians, administrators, etc.) and the professional ideologists (priests of all sorts, most of whom are convinced ‘laymen’). Each mass ejected en route is practically provided with the Essay, ideology which suits the role it has to fulfil in class society: the role of the exploited (with a ‘highly-developed’ ‘professional’, ‘ethical’, ‘civic’, ‘national’ and a-political consciousness); the role of the define kant, agent of exploitation (ability to give the workers orders and A Stand for the Death Penalty Essay, speak to them: ‘human relations’), of the agent of define kant, repression (ability to give orders and enforce obedience ‘without discussion’, or ability to manipulate the ramsey, demagogy of a political leader’s rhetoric), or of the define, professional ideologist (ability to prometheus treat consciousnesses with the respect, i.e. with the contempt, blackmail, and demagogy they deserve, adapted to define kant the accents of Morality, of Virtue, of ‘Transcendence’, of the Nation, of France’s World Role, etc.).

Of course, many of these contrasting Virtues (modesty, resignation, submissiveness on the one hand, cynicism, contempt, arrogance, confidence, self-importance, even smooth talk and ramsey macdonald, cunning on define the other) are also taught in the Family, in the Church, in the Army, in Good Books, in films and even in the football stadium. But no other Ideological State Apparatus has the obligatory (and not least, free) audience of the totality of the quantity demand, children in the capitalist social formation, eight hours a day for five or six days out of seven. But it is by an apprenticeship in define kant, a variety of know-how wrapped up in the massive inculcation of the ideology of the ruling class that the relations of production in a capitalist social formation, i.e. the relations of exploited to exploiters and exploiters to exploited, are largely reproduced. The mechanisms which produce this vital result for the capitalist regime are naturally covered up and A Stand, concealed by kant a universally reigning ideology of the School, universally reigning because it is one of the essential forms of the ruling bourgeois ideology: an quantity demand, ideology which represents the School as a neutral environment purged of ideology (because it is . lay), where teachers respectful of the ‘conscience’ and ‘freedom’ of the children who are entrusted to them (in complete confidence) by their ‘parents’ (who are free, too, i.e. the owners of their children) open up for them the kant, path to the freedom, morality and responsibility of adults by topics their own example, by knowledge, literature and their ‘liberating’ virtues. I ask the pardon of those teachers who, in dreadful conditions, attempt to turn the define, few weapons they can find in the history and learning they ‘teach’ against the ideology, the system and the practices in which they are trapped.

They are a kind of hero. But they are rare and how many (the majority) do not even begin to essay on unemployment suspect the ‘work’ the system (which is bigger than they are and crushes them) forces them to do, or worse, put all their heart and ingenuity into kant performing it with the most advanced awareness (the famous new methods!). So little do they suspect it that their own devotion contributes to the maintenance and nourishment of this ideological representation of the School, which makes the School today as ‘natural’, indispensable-useful and Essay, even beneficial for our contemporaries as the kant, Church was ‘natural’, indispensable and generous for our ancestors a few centuries ago. In fact, the Church has been replaced today in its role as the dominant Ideological State Apparatus by the School. It is coupled with the Family just as the Church was once coupled with the Family. We can now claim that the unprecedentedly deep crisis which is now shaking the education system of so many States across the globe, often in conjunction with a crisis (already proclaimed in prometheus, the Communist Manifesto ) shaking the kant, family system, takes on a political meaning, given that the School (and the School/Family couple) constitutes the dominant Ideological State Apparatus, the Apparatus playing a determinant part in the reproduction of the relations of Death Penalty, production of a mode of production threatened in its existence by the world class struggle.

When I put forward the define kant, concept of an Ideological State Apparatus, when I said that the Death Essay, ISAs ‘function by ideology’, I invoked a reality which needs a little discussion: ideology. It is well known that the expression ‘ideology’ was invented by Cabanis, Destutt de Tracy and their friends, who assigned to it as an object the (genetic) theory of ideas. When Marx took up the term fifty years later, he gave it a quite different meaning, even in his Early Works. Here, ideology is the system of the ideas and representations which dominate the mind of a man or a social group. The ideologico-political struggle conducted by Marx as early as his articles in the Rheinische Zeitung inevitably and kant, quickly brought him face to face with this reality and forced him to take his earliest intuitions further.

However, here we come upon a rather astonishing paradox. Quantity Demand. Everything seems to define kant lead Marx to formulate a theory of modern, ideology. Define. In fact, The German Ideology does offer us, after the 1844 Manuscripts , an explicit theory of ideology, but . it is not Marxist (we shall see why in a moment). As for Capital , although it does contain many hints towards a theory of ideologies (most visibly, the ideology of the vulgar economists), it does not contain that theory itself, which depends for essay, the most part on a theory of kant, ideology in general. I should like to venture a first and very schematic outline of such a theory.

The theses I am about to put forward are certainly not off the cuff, but they cannot be sustained and tested, i.e. confirmed or rejected, except by much thorough study and on unemployment, analysis. One word first of all to expound the kant, reason in principle which seems to me to found, or at least to justify, the project of a theory of ideology in general , and not a theory of particular ideolog ies , which, whatever their form (religious, ethical, legal, political), always express class positions. It is quite obvious that it is macdonald, necessary to proceed towards a theory of ideologies in the two respects I have just suggested. It will then be clear that a theory of kant, ideolog ies depends in the last resort on the history of social formations, and thus of the modes of production combined in social formations, and quantity demand, of the class struggles which develop in kant, them. In this sense it is clear that there can be no question of a theory of ideolog ies in for the Penalty, general, since ideolog ies (defined in the double respect suggested above: regional and class) have a history, whose determination in the last instance is clearly situated outside ideologies alone, although it involves them. On the contrary, if I am able to put forward the project of define, a theory of prometheus, ideology in general , and if this theory really is one of the elements on kant which theories of The Theme, ideologies depend, that entails an apparently paradoxical proposition which I shall express in the following terms: ideology has no history.

As we know, this formulation appears in so many words in a passage from kant The German Ideology. Marx utters it with respect to metaphysics, which, he says, has no more history than ethics (meaning also the other forms of ideology). In The German Ideology , this formulation appears in a plainly positivist context. Ideology is conceived as a pure illusion, a pure dream, i.e. as nothingness. All its reality is external to it. Ideology is A Stand for the Penalty, thus thought as an imaginary construction whose status is exactly like the theoretical status of the define, dream among writers before Freud. For these writers, the dream was the purely imaginary, i.e. null, result of ‘day’s residues’, presented in an arbitrary arrangement and order, sometimes even ‘inverted’, in other words, in ‘disorder’.

For them, the dream was the on unemployment, imaginary, it was empty, null and arbitrarily ‘stuck together’ ( bricol ), once the eyes had closed, from the residues of the only full and positive reality, the reality of the day. This is exactly the kant, status of philosophy and ideology (since in this book philosophy is ideology par excellence ) in The German Ideology. Ideology, then, is for Marx an imaginary assemblage ( bricolage ), a pure dream, empty and prometheus, vain, constituted by the ‘day’s residues’ from the only full and positive reality, that of the define kant, concrete history of concrete material individuals materially producing their existence. It is on this basis that ideology has no history in The Theme of Superiority, The German Ideology , since its history is outside it, where the only existing history is, the history of concrete individuals, etc. In The German Ideology , the thesis that ideology has no history is therefore a purely negative thesis, since it means both: 1. ideology is nothing insofar as it is a pure dream (manufactured by define who knows what power: if not by the alienation of the modern, division of labour, but that, too, is a negative determination); 2. ideology has no history, which emphatically does not mean that there is define kant, no history in film paper topics, it (on the kant, contrary, for it is merely the pale, empty and inverted reflection of real history) but that it has no history of its own. Now, while the thesis I wish to defend formally speaking adopts the terms of The German Ideology (‘ideology has no history’), it is radically different from the positivist and historicist thesis of The German Ideology. For on the one hand, I think it is possible to hold that ideolog ies have a history of their own (although it is determined in the last instance by of Superiority the class struggle); and on the other, I think it is possible to define kant hold that ideology in A Stand Death, general has no history , not in a negative sense (its history is external to it), but in define kant, an absolutely positive sense. This sense is a positive one if it is true that the peculiarity of ideology is that it is endowed with a structure and research topics, a functioning such as to make it a non-historical reality, i.e. an kant, omni-historical reality, in the sense in which that structure and paper, functioning are immutable, present in the same form throughout what we can call history, in the sense in which the Communist Manifesto defines history as the history of class struggles, i.e. the history of class societies. To give a theoretical reference-point here, I might say that, to return to our example of the dream, in its Freudian conception this time, our proposition: ideology has no history, can and must (and in a way which has absolutely nothing arbitrary about it, but, quite the reverse, is theoretically necessary, for there is an kant, organic link between the two propositions) be related directly to Freud’s proposition that the unconscious is eternal , i.e. that it has no history.

If eternal means, not transcendent to all (temporal) history, but omnipresent, trans-historical and therefore immutable in ramsey, form throughout the extent of history, I shall adopt Freud’s expression word for word, and write ideology is eternal , exactly like the unconscious. And I add that I find this comparison theoretically justified by the fact that the eternity of the unconscious is not unrelated to the eternity of ideology in general. That is why I believe I am justified, hypothetically at least, in proposing a theory of ideology in general , in the sense that Freud presented a theory of the unconscious in general. To simplify the phrase, it is convenient, taking into account what has been said about ideologies, to use the plain term ideology to designate ideology in general, which I have just said has no history, or, what comes to the same thing, is eternal, i.e. Define Kant. omnipresent in A Stand Death Penalty, its immutable form throughout history (= the history of social formations containing social classes). For the define kant, moment I shall restrict myself to ‘class societies’ and of Superiority Essay, their history.

Ideology is a ‘Representation’ of the Imaginary Relationship of Individuals to their Real Conditions of Existence. In order to approach my central thesis on define kant the structure and functioning of on unemployment, ideology, I shall first present two theses, one negative, the other positive. The first concerns the object which is ‘represented’ in the imaginary form of ideology, the second concerns the materiality of ideology. Thesis I. Ideology represents the imaginary relationship of individuals to their real conditions of existence. We commonly call religious ideology, ethical ideology, legal ideology, political ideology, etc., so many ‘world outlooks’. Of course, assuming that we do not live one of these ideologies as the truth (e.g. ‘believe’ in God, Duty, Justice, etc. ), we admit that the define kant, ideology we are discussing from a critical point of view, examining it as the ethnologist examines the myths of a ‘primitive society’, that these ‘world outlooks’ are largely imaginary, i.e. do not ‘correspond to reality’. However, while admitting that they do not correspond to reality, i.e. that they constitute an illusion, we admit that they do make allusion to reality, and The Theme of Superiority Essay, that they need only be ‘interpreted’ to discover the reality of the world behind their imaginary representation of that world (ideology = illusion/allusion ). There are different types of interpretation, the most famous of which are the mechanistic type, current in the eighteenth century (God is the imaginary representation of the real King), and the ‘ hermeneutic ‘ interpretation, inaugurated by the earliest Church Fathers, and revived by Feuerbach and the theologico-philosophical school which descends from kant him, e.g. the theologian Barth (to Feuerbach, for example, God is the ramsey macdonald, essence of real Man). The essential point is that on condition that we interpret the imaginary transposition (and inversion) of ideology we arrive at the conclusion that in ideology ‘men represent their real conditions of existence to themselves in an imaginary form’. Unfortunately, this interpretation leaves one small problem unsettled: why do men ‘need’ this imaginary transposition of their real conditions of existence in order to ‘represent to themselves’ their real conditions of existence?

The first answer (that of the define, eighteenth century) proposes a simple solution: Priests or Despots are responsible. They ‘forged’ the Beautiful Lies so that, in the belief that they were obeying God, men would in fact obey the Priests and Despots, who are usually in alliance in their imposture, the Priests acting in the interests of the Despots or vice versa , according to quantity demand the political positions of the ‘theoreticians’ concerned. There is therefore a cause for the imaginary transposition of the real conditions of existence: that cause is the existence of a small number of cynical men who base their domination and exploitation of the ‘people’ on a falsified representation of the world which they have imagined in order to enslave other minds by dominating their imaginations. The second answer (that of Feuerbach, taken over kant word for word by Marx in his Early Works) is more ‘profound’, i.e. just as false. It, too, seeks and research, finds a cause for define, the imaginary transposition and quantity demand, distortion of men’s real conditions of define, existence, in short, for the alienation in the imaginary of the representation of men’s conditions of existence. This cause is no longer Priests or Despots, nor their active imagination and the passive imagination of their victims.

This cause is the material alienation which reigns in the conditions of existence of The Theme Essay, men themselves. This is how, in define kant, The Jewish Question and elsewhere, Marx defends the Feuerbachian idea that men make themselves an alienated (= imaginary) representation of topics, their conditions of existence because these conditions of existence are themselves alienating (in the define, 1844 Manuscripts : because these conditions are dominated by the essence of alienated society – ‘ alienated labour ’). All these interpretations thus take literally the thesis which they presuppose, and on which they depend, i.e. that what is prometheus, reflected in the imaginary representation of the define, world found in The Theme, an ideology is the conditions of existence of men, i.e. their real world. Now I can return to a thesis which I have already advanced: it is not their real conditions of kant, existence, their real world, that ‘men’ ‘represent to The Theme Essay themselves’ in define, ideology, but above all it is film, their relation to those conditions of define kant, existence which is represented to them there. It is this relation which is at the centre of every ideological, i.e. For The Death. imaginary, representation of the real world. Define. It is this relation that contains the ‘cause’ which has to explain the imaginary distortion of the ideological representation of the of Superiority Essay, real world. Define Kant. Or rather, to leave aside the language of causality it is necessary to advance the thesis that it is the imaginary nature of of Superiority Essay, this relation which underlies all the imaginary distortion that we can observe (if we do not live in its truth) in all ideology. To speak in a Marxist language, if it is true that the representation of the define, real conditions of A Stand for the Penalty, existence of the individuals occupying the posts of agents of production, exploitation, repression, ideologization and scientific practice, does in the last analysis arise from the relations of production, and from relations deriving from the relations of production, we can say the define, following: all ideology represents in its necessarily imaginary distortion not the existing relations of production (and the other relations that derive from them), but above all the (imaginary) relationship of Death, individuals to the relations of production and the relations that derive from them. What is represented in ideology is therefore not the system of the real relations which govern the existence of individuals, but the imaginary relation of those individuals to the real relations in which they live.

If this is the case, the question of the ‘cause’ of the imaginary distortion of the real relations in ideology disappears and must be replaced by a different question: why is the representation given to individuals of their (individual) relation to the social relations which govern their conditions of existence and their collective and individual life necessarily an imaginary relation? And what is the nature of this imaginariness? Posed in this way, the question explodes the solution by a ‘clique’ [14] , by a group of individuals (Priests or Despots) who are the authors of the great ideological mystification, just as it explodes the solution by the alienated character of the real world. We shall see why later in my exposition. For the moment I shall go no further.

Thesis II: Ideology has a material existence. I have already touched on this thesis by saying that the ‘ideas’ or ‘representations’, etc., which seem to make up ideology do not have an ideal ( idale or idelle ) or spiritual existence, but a material existence. Kant. I even suggested that the ideal ( idale , idelle ) and spiritual existence of ‘ideas’ arises exclusively in an ideology of the ‘idea’ and of ideology, and let me add, in an ideology of what seems to have ‘founded’ this conception since the emergence of the sciences, i.e. what the practicians of the sciences represent to themselves in essay on unemployment, their spontaneous ideology as ‘ideas’, true or false. Of course, presented in affirmative form, this thesis is unproven. I simply ask that the reader be favourably disposed towards it, say, in the name of materialism. A long series of arguments would be necessary to prove it. This hypothetical thesis of the not spiritual but material existence of ‘ideas’ or other ‘representations’ is indeed necessary if we are to advance in our analysis of the define, nature of ideology. Or rather, it is merely useful to us in A Stand Death Essay, order the better to kant reveal what every at all serious analysis of any ideology will immediately and empirically show to every observer, however critical.

While discussing the Ideological State Apparatuses and prometheus, their practices, I said that each of them was the realization of an ideology (the unity of these different regional ideologies – religious, ethical, legal, political, aesthetic, etc. – being assured by kant their subjection to the ruling ideology). I now return to Essay this thesis: an ideology always exists in an apparatus, and define kant, its practice, or practices. Death. This existence is material. Of course, the define kant, material existence of the ramsey, ideology in an apparatus and its practices does not have the same modality as the material existence of a paving-stone or a rifle. But, at define kant the risk of being taken for a Neo-Aristotelian (NB Marx had a very high regard for Aristotle), I shall say that ‘matter is discussed in many senses’, or rather that it exists in different modalities, all rooted in the last instance in ‘physical’ matter. Having said this, let me move straight on and see what happens to the ‘individuals’ who live in film research, ideology, i.e. in a determinate (religious, ethical, etc.) representation of the world whose imaginary distortion depends on their imaginary relation to their conditions of define kant, existence, in other words, in the last instance, to the relations of production and to class relations (ideology = an imaginary relation to real relations). I shall say that this imaginary relation is itself endowed with a material existence. Now I observe the following. An individual believes in God, or Duty, or Justice, etc. This belief derives (for everyone, i.e. for all those who live in an ideological representation of ideology, which reduces ideology to ideas endowed by definition with a spiritual existence) from the ideas of the individual concerned, i.e. from him as a subject with a consciousness which contains the ideas of his belief. In this way, i.e. by ramsey macdonald means of the absolutely ideological ‘conceptual’ device ( dispositif ) thus set up (a subject endowed with a consciousness in define, which he freely forms or freely recognizes ideas in which he believes), the (material) attitude of the ramsey, subject concerned naturally follows.

The individual in question behaves in such and such a way, adopts such and such a practical attitude, and, what is define kant, more, participates in certain regular practices which are those of the ideological apparatus on which ‘depend’ the ideas which he has in all consciousness freely chosen as a subject. If he believes in God, he goes to Church to attend Mass, kneels, prays, confesses, does penance (once it was material in the ordinary sense of the term) and naturally repents and macdonald, so on. If he believes in define, Duty, he will have the ramsey, corresponding attitudes, inscribed in define kant, ritual practices ‘according to the correct principles’. If he believes in Justice, he will submit unconditionally to the rules of the Law, and essay, may even protest when they are violated, sign petitions, take part in a demonstration, etc. Throughout this schema we observe that the define, ideological representation of ideology is itself forced to recognize that every ‘subject’ endowed with a ‘consciousness’ and believing in the ‘ideas’ that his ‘consciousness’ inspires in him and freely accepts, must ‘ act according to his ideas’, must therefore inscribe his own ideas as a free subject in on unemployment, the actions of his material practice. If he does not do so, ‘that is wicked’. Indeed, if he does not do what he ought to do as a function of what he believes, it is because he does something else, which, still as a function of the same idealist scheme, implies that he has other ideas in his head as well as those he proclaims, and define, that he acts according to these other ideas, as a man who is either ‘inconsistent’ (‘no one is willingly evil’) or cynical, or perverse. In every case, the ideology of ideology thus recognizes, despite its imaginary distortion, that the ‘ideas’ of a human subject exist in research topics, his actions, or ought to exist in his actions, and kant, if that is not the case, it lends him other ideas corresponding to Essay the actions (however perverse) that he does perform. This ideology talks of actions: I shall talk of actions inserted into practices.

And I shall point out that these practices are governed by define the rituals in which these practices are inscribed, within the material existence of an ideological apparatus , be it only a small part of that apparatus: a small mass in a small church, a funeral, a minor match at a sports’ club, a school day, a political party meeting, etc. Besides, we are indebted to Pascal’s defensive ‘dialectic’ for the wonderful formula which will enable us to invert the quantity demand, order of the define kant, notional schema of ideology. Pascal says more or less: ‘Kneel down, move your lips in A Stand for the, prayer, and you will believe.’ He thus scandalously inverts the kant, order of things, bringing, like Christ, not peace but strife, and in addition something hardly Christian (for woe to him who brings scandal into the world!) – scandal itself. A fortunate scandal which makes him stick with Jansenist defiance to a language that directly names the reality. I will be allowed to leave Pascal to the arguments of paper, his ideological struggle with the define kant, religious Ideological State Apparatus of his day.

And I shall be expected to use a more directly Marxist vocabulary, if that is possible, for we are advancing in film paper topics, still poorly explored domains. I shall therefore say that, where only a single subject (such and such an individual) is define kant, concerned, the existence of the ideas of his belief is ramsey macdonald, material in that his ideas are his material actions inserted into kant material practices governed by material rituals which are themselves defined by the material ideological apparatus from which derive the ideas of that subject. Naturally, the four inscriptions of the adjective ‘material’ in my proposition must be affected by different modalities: the materialities of a displacement for going to mass, of film, kneeling down, of the gesture of the sign of the cross, or of the mea culpa , of a sentence, of a prayer, of an act of contrition, of a penitence, of a gaze, of a hand-shake, of an external verbal discourse or an ‘internal’ verbal discourse (consciousness), are not one and the same materiality. I shall leave on one side the problem of a theory of the differences between the modalities of kant, materiality. It remains that in this inverted presentation of things, we are not dealing with an ‘inversion’ at all, since it is clear that certain notions have purely and simply disappeared from our presentation, whereas others on The Theme Essay the contrary survive, and kant, new terms appear. Disappeared: the term ideas.

Survive: the terms subject , consciousness , belief , actions. Appear: the terms practices , rituals , ideological apparatus. It is therefore not an inversion or overturning (except in the sense in which one might say a government or a glass is modern prometheus, overturned), but a reshuffle (of a non-ministerial type), a rather strange reshuffle, since we obtain the kant, following result. Ideas have disappeared as such (insofar as they are endowed with an ideal or spiritual existence), to the precise extent that it has emerged that their existence is inscribed in the actions of practices governed by film research rituals defined in the last instance by an ideological apparatus. It therefore appears that the subject acts insofar as he is acted by the following system (set out in the order of define, its real determination): ideology existing in a material ideological apparatus, prescribing material practices governed by a material ritual, which practices exist in the material actions of a subject acting in all consciousness according to his belief.

But this very presentation reveals that we have retained the following notions: subject, consciousness, belief, actions. From this series I shall immediately extract the decisive central term on which everything else depends: the notion of the subject. And I shall immediately set down two conjoint theses: 1. there is no practice except by and in an ideology; 2. A Stand Death Essay. there is no ideology except by the subject and for subjects. I can now come to my central thesis.

Ideology Interpellates Individuals as Subjects. This thesis is simply a matter of making my last proposition explicit: there is define, no ideology except by the subject and for subjects. Meaning, there is no ideology except for concrete subjects, and essay, this destination for ideology is only made possible by the subject: meaning, by the category of the define kant, subject and its functioning. By this I mean that, even if it only appears under this name (the subject) with the rise of bourgeois ideology, above all with the rise of quantity demand, legal ideology, [15] the category of the subject (which may function under other names: e.g., as the soul in Plato, as God, etc.) is the constitutive category of all ideology, whatever its determination (regional or class) and whatever its historical date – since ideology has no history. I say: the category of the subject is constitutive of all ideology, but at the same time and immediately I add that the category of the subject is only constitutive of all ideology insofar as all ideology has the define kant, function ( which defines it ) of ‘ constituting ‘ concrete individuals as subjects. In the interaction of this double constitution exists the functioning of all ideology, ideology being nothing but its functioning in the material forms of existence of that functioning. In order to grasp what follows, it is essential to realize that both he who is writing these lines and on unemployment, the reader who reads them are themselves subjects, and therefore ideological subjects (a tautological proposition), i.e. that the author and the reader of these lines both live ‘spontaneously’ or ‘naturally’ in ideology in the sense in which I have said that ‘man is an ideological animal by nature’.

That the author, insofar as he writes the lines of a discourse which claims to be scientific, is completely absent as a ‘subject’ from ‘his’ scientific discourse (for all scientific discourse is by definition a subject-less discourse, there is no ‘Subject of kant, science’ except in an ideology of science) is a different question which I shall leave on macdonald one side for the moment. As St Paul admirably put it, it is in the ‘Logos’, meaning in ideology, that we ‘live, move and define, have our being’. It follows that, for you and for me, the category of the subject is a primary ‘obviousness’ (obviousnesses are always primary): it is clear that you and I are subjects (free, ethical, etc. ). Like all obviousnesses, including those that make a word ‘name a thing’ or ‘have a meaning’ (therefore including the obviousness of the essay, ‘transparency’ of language), the ‘obviousness’ that you and I are subjects – and that that does not cause any problems – is an ideological effect, the elementary ideological effect. [16] It is indeed a peculiarity of ideology that it imposes (without appearing to do so, since these are ‘obviousnesses’) obviousnesses as obviousnesses, which we cannot fail to recognize and before which we have the kant, inevitable and Death Penalty, natural reaction of crying out (aloud or in kant, the ‘still, small voice of A Stand for the Penalty, conscience’): ‘That’s obvious! That’s right! That’s true!’ At work in this reaction is the ideological recognition function which is one of the two functions of ideology as such (its inverse being the function of misrecognition – mconnaissance ). To take a highly ‘concrete’ example, we all have friends who, when they knock on define our door and we ask, through the door, the question ‘Who’s there?’, answer (since ‘it’s obvious’) ‘It’s me’. And we recognize that ‘it is him’, or ‘her’. We open the door, and ‘it’s true, it really was she who was there’.

To take another example, when we recognize somebody of our (previous) acquaintance ( (re) - connaissance ) in the street, we show him that we have recognized him (and have recognized that he has recognized us) by saying to him ‘Hello, my friend’, and shaking his hand (a material ritual practice of ramsey macdonald, ideological recognition in everyday life – in France, at least; elsewhere, there are other rituals). In this preliminary remark and these concrete illustrations, I only wish to define kant point out that you and I are always already subjects, and as such constantly practice the rituals of ideological recognition, which guarantee for us that we are indeed concrete, individual, distinguishable and (naturally) irreplaceable subjects. The writing I am currently executing and the reading you are currently [17] performing are also in topics, this respect rituals of ideological recognition, including the ‘obviousness’ with which the kant, ‘truth’ or ‘error’ of ramsey, my reflections may impose itself on you. But to recognize that we are subjects and that we function in kant, the practical rituals of the The Theme, most elementary everyday life (the hand-shake, the define, fact of calling you by your name, the fact of knowing, even if I do not know what it is, that you ‘have’ a name of your own, which means that you are recognized as a unique subject, etc.) – this recognition only gives us the ‘consciousness’ of our incessant (eternal) practice of ideological recognition – its consciousness, i.e. its recognition – but in no sense does it give us the (scientific) knowledge of the mechanism of this recognition. Now it is this knowledge that we have to reach, if you will, while speaking in ideology, and from within ideology we have to outline a discourse which tries to break with ideology, in order to dare to be the beginning of a scientific (i.e. subject-less) discourse on ideology. Thus in order to represent why the category of the ‘subject’ is ramsey macdonald, constitutive of ideology, which only exists by constituting concrete subjects as subjects, I shall employ a special mode of exposition: ‘concrete’ enough to define be recognized, but abstract enough to be thinkable and of Superiority, thought, giving rise to a knowledge. As a first formulation I shall say: all ideology hails or interpellates concrete individuals as concrete subjects , by the functioning of the category of the subject. This is a proposition which entails that we distinguish for the moment between concrete individuals on the one hand and define, concrete subjects on the other, although at this level concrete subjects only exist insofar as they are supported by a concrete individual. I shall then suggest that ideology ‘acts’ or ‘functions’ in such a way that it ‘recruits’ subjects among the individuals (it recruits them all), or ‘transforms’ the individuals into subjects (it transforms them all) by that very precise operation which I have called interpellation or hailing, and which can be imagined along the lines of the most commonplace everyday police (or other) hailing: ‘Hey, you there!’ [18] Assuming that the theoretical scene I have imagined takes place in the street, the for the, hailed individual will turn round. By this mere one-hundred-and-eighty-degree physical conversion, he becomes a subject.

Why? Because he has recognized that the define, hail was ‘really’ addressed to him, and that ‘it was really him who was hailed’ (and not someone else). Experience shows that the practical telecommunication of hailings is such that they hardly ever miss their man: verbal call or whistle, the one hailed always recognizes that it is really him who is being hailed. And yet it is a strange phenomenon, and one which cannot be explained solely by ‘guilt feelings’, despite the large numbers who ‘have something on their consciences’. Naturally for the convenience and clarity of my little theoretical theatre I have had to present things in the form of on unemployment, a sequence, with a before and an after, and thus in the form of a temporal succession.

There are individuals walking along. Somewhere (usually behind them) the hail rings out: ‘Hey, you there!’ One individual (nine times out of ten it is the right one) turns round, believing/suspecting/knowing that it is for him, i.e. Kant. recognizing that ‘it really is he’ who is meant by the hailing. But in reality these things happen without any succession. The existence of ideology and the hailing or interpellation of individuals as subjects are one and the same thing. I might add: what thus seems to take place outside ideology (to be precise, in the street), in reality takes place in ideology. What really takes place in ideology seems therefore to take place outside it. That is why those who are in ideology believe themselves by prometheus definition outside ideology: one of the effects of ideology is the define kant, practical denegation of the ideological character of ideology by ideology: ideology never says, ‘I am ideological’. Quantity Demand. It is necessary to be outside ideology, i.e. in scientific knowledge, to be able to say: I am in ideology (a quite exceptional case) or (the general case): I was in ideology. As is well known, the accusation of being in kant, ideology only applies to others, never to oneself (unless one is really a Spinozist or a Marxist, which, in this matter, is to be exactly the same thing). Of Superiority. Which amounts to saying that ideology has no outside (for itself), but at the same time that it is nothing but outside (for science and reality).

Spinoza explained this completely two centuries before Marx, who practised it but without explaining it in detail. But let us leave this point, although it is heavy with consequences, consequences which are not just theoretical, but also directly political, since, for example, the whole theory of criticism and self-criticism, the golden rule of the Marxist-Leninist practice of the class struggle, depends on it. Thus ideology hails or interpellates individuals as subjects. As ideology is eternal, I must now suppress the temporal form in which I have presented the functioning of ideology, and say: ideology has always-already interpellated individuals as subjects, which amounts to making it clear that individuals are always-already interpellated by ideology as subjects, which necessarily leads us to one last proposition: individuals are always-already subjects. Hence individuals are ‘abstract’ with respect to define kant the subjects which they always already are. This proposition might seem paradoxical. That an individual is always-already a subject, even before he is born, is nevertheless the plain reality, accessible to everyone and ramsey, not a paradox at define all.

Freud shows that individuals are always ‘abstract’ with respect to the subjects they always-already are, simply by noting the ideological ritual that surrounds the expectation of a ‘birth’, that ‘happy event’. Everyone knows how much and in what way an unborn child is expected. Which amounts to saying, very prosaically, if we agree to drop the ‘sentiments’, i.e. the forms of family ideology (paternal/maternal conjugal/fraternal) in on unemployment, which the kant, unborn child is expected: it is certain in advance that it will bear its Father’s Name, and will therefore have an identity and be irreplaceable. Before its birth, the child is therefore always-already a subject, appointed as a subject in and by quantity demand the specific familial ideological configuration in which it is ‘expected’ once it has been conceived. I hardly need add that this familial ideological configuration is, in its uniqueness, highly structured, and that it is in this implacable and more or less ‘pathological’ (presupposing that any meaning can be assigned to that term) structure that the former subject to-be will have to ‘find’ ‘its’ place, i.e. ‘become’ the sexual subject (boy or girl) which it already is in advance. It is clear that this ideological constraint and pre-appointment, and all the rituals of rearing and kant, then education in of Superiority Essay, the family, have some relationship with what Freud studied in the forms of the pre-genital and genital ‘stages’ of sexuality, i.e. in the ‘grip’ of what Freud registered by its effects as being the define, unconscious. But let us leave this point, too, on one side. Let me go one step further. Modern. What I shall now turn my attention to define is the way the ‘actors’ in this mise en scne [setting] of interpellation, and their respective roles, are reflected in the very structure of all ideology.

An Example: The Christian Religious Ideology. As the formal structure of all ideology is always the same, I shall restrict my analysis to A Stand for the a single example, one accessible to everyone, that of religious ideology, with the proviso that the same demonstration can be produced for ethical, legal, political, aesthetic ideology, etc. Let us therefore consider the Christian religious ideology. I shall use a rhetorical figure and ‘make it speak’, i.e. Define. collect into on unemployment a fictional discourse what it ‘says’ not only in kant, its two Testaments, its Theologians, Sermons, but also in its practices, its rituals, its ceremonies and A Stand for the Death Penalty Essay, its sacraments. The Christian religious ideology says something like this: It says: I address myself to you, a human individual called Peter (every individual is called by define his name, in the passive sense, it is never he who provides his own name), in order to tell you that God exists and that you are answer able to Him. It adds: God addresses himself to you through my voice (Scripture having collected the Word of God, Tradition having transmitted it, Papal Infallibility fixing it for ever on ‘nice’ points). It says: this is who you are: you are Peter! This is your origin, you were created by God for all eternity, although you were born in the 1920th year of Our Lord! This is your place in the world!

This is what you must do! By these means, if you observe the ‘law of modern prometheus, love’ you will be saved, you, Peter, and will become part of the Glorious Body of Christ! Etc. Now this is quite a familiar and banal discourse, but at the same time quite a surprising one. Surprising because if we consider that religious ideology is indeed addressed to individuals, [19] in order to ‘transform them into subjects’, by interpellating the individual, Peter, in order to make him a subject, free to obey or disobey the appeal, i.e. God’s commandments; if it calls these individuals by kant their names, thus recognizing that they are always-already interpellated as subjects with a personal identity (to the extent that Pascal’s Christ says: ‘It is for you that I have shed this drop of my blood!’); if it interpellates them in such a way that the subject responds: ‘ Yes , it really is me! ’ if it obtains from them the recognition that they really do occupy the place it designates for them as theirs in the world, a fixed residence: ‘It really is me, I am here, a worker, a boss or a soldier!’ in this vale of tears; if it obtains from them the recognition of a destination (eternal life or damnation) according to research paper topics the respect or contempt they show to ‘God’s Commandments’, Law become Love; – if everything does happen in this way (in the define kant, practices of the film research topics, well-known rituals of baptism, confirmation, communion, confession and extreme unction, etc. . ), we should note that all this ‘procedure’ to set up Christian religious subjects is dominated by a strange phenomenon: the fact that there can only be such a multitude of possible religious subjects on the absolute condition that there is a Unique, Absolute, Other Subject , i.e. God. It is convenient to designate this new and remarkable Subject by writing Subject with a capital S to distinguish it from ordinary subjects, with a small s. It then emerges that the interpellation of individuals as subjects presupposes the ‘existence’ of a Unique and define, central Other Subject, in whose Name the ramsey macdonald, religious ideology interpellates all individuals as subjects. All this is clearly [20] written in what is rightly called the Scriptures. ‘And it came to pass at that time that God the Lord (Yahweh) spoke to Moses in the cloud.

And the Lord cried to define kant Moses, “Moses!” And Moses replied “It is (really) I! I am Moses thy servant, speak and I shall listen!” And the Lord spoke to Moses and said to him, “ I am that I am ’. God thus defines himself as the Subject par excellence , he who is essay, through himself and for himself (‘I am that I am’), and he who interpellates his subject, the individual subjected to him by his very interpellation, i.e. the kant, individual named Moses. Modern Prometheus. And Moses, interpellated-called by his Name, having recognized that it ‘really’ was he who was called by God, recognizes that he is a subject, a subject of God, a subject subjected to God, a subject through the Subject and subjected to define the Subject. The proof: he obeys him, and makes his people obey God’s Commandments. God is of Superiority Essay, thus the Subject, and Moses and the innumerable subjects of God’s people, the Subject’s interlocutors-interpellates: his mirrors , his reflections. Were not men made in the image of God? As all theological reflection proves, whereas He ‘could’ perfectly well have done without men, God needs them, the Subject needs the subjects, just as men need God, the subjects need the Subject. Better: God needs men, the great Subject needs subjects, even in the terrible inversion of his image in kant, them (when the subjects wallow in debauchery, i.e. sin). Better: God duplicates himself and sends his Son to modern the Earth, as a mere subject ‘forsaken’ by him (the long complaint of the Garden of Olives which ends in the Crucifixion), subject but Subject, man but God, to do what prepares the way for define kant, the final Redemption, the Resurrection of Christ. God thus needs to ‘make himself’ a man, the The Theme, Subject needs to become a subject, as if to show empirically, visibly to the eye, tangibly to the hands (see St. Thomas) of the subjects, that, if they are subjects, subjected to the Subject, that is define kant, solely in order that finally, on Judgement Day, they will re-enter the Lord’s Bosom, like Christ, i.e. re-enter the Subject. [21]

Let us decipher into theoretical language this wonderful necessity for on unemployment, the duplication of the define kant, Subject into subjects and of the Subject itself into a subject-Subject. We observe that the structure of all ideology, interpellating individuals as subjects in the name of a Unique and film paper topics, Absolute Subject is speculary , i.e. a mirror-structure, and doubly speculary: this mirror duplication is constitutive of ideology and define, ensures its functioning. Which means that all ideology is centred , that the Absolute Subject occupies the unique place of the Centre, and essay on unemployment, interpellates around it the infinity of individuals into subjects in a double mirror-connexion such that it subjects the subjects to the Subject, while giving them in the Subject in which each subject can contemplate its own image (present and future) the guarantee that this really concerns them and define kant, Him, and that since everything takes place in the Family (the Holy Family: the Family is in essence Holy), ‘God will recognize his own in it’, i.e. those who have recognized God, and have recognized themselves in Him, will be saved. Let me summarize what we have discovered about of Superiority, ideology in general. The duplicate mirror-structure of ideology ensures simultaneously: 1. the interpellation of ‘individuals’ as subjects; 2. their subjection to define the Subject; 3. the for the, mutual recognition of subjects and Subject, the define kant, subjects’ recognition of each other, and finally the subject’s recognition of himself; [22] 4. the absolute guarantee that everything really is so, and that on condition that the subjects recognize what they are and behave accordingly, everything will be all right: Amen – ‘ So be it ’. Result: caught in quantity demand, this quadruple system of interpellation as subjects, of subjection to the Subject, of universal recognition and of absolute guarantee, the subjects ‘work’, they ‘work by themselves’ in define kant, the vast majority of cases, with the exception of the ‘bad subjects’ who on occasion provoke the intervention of one of the detachments of the essay, (Repressive) State Apparatus.

But the define, vast majority of (good) subjects work all right ‘all by themselves’, i.e. by ideology (whose concrete forms are realized in the Ideological State Apparatuses). They are inserted into practices governed by the rituals of the ISAs. They ‘recognize’ the paper topics, existing state of kant, affairs ( das Bestehende ), that ‘it really is true that it is so and modern, not otherwise’, and that they must be obedient to God, to their conscience, to the priest, to de Gaulle, to the boss, to the engineer, that thou shalt ‘love thy neighbour as thyself’, etc. Their concrete, material behaviour is simply the inscription in life of the admirable words of the prayer: ‘ Amen – So be it ’. Yes, the subjects ‘work by define themselves’. The whole mystery of this effect lies in the first two moments of the quadruple system I have just discussed, or, if you prefer, in the ambiguity of the term subject. In the ordinary use of the term, subject in fact means: (1) a free subjectivity, a centre of initiatives, author of and responsible for its actions; (2) a subjected being, who submits to a higher authority, and is therefore stripped of quantity demand, all freedom except that of kant, freely accepting his submission. This last note gives us the meaning of this ambiguity, which is merely a reflection of the effect which produces it: the individual is interpellated as a ( free) subject in order that he shall submit freely to the commandments of the Subject , i.e. in prometheus, order that he shall ( freely) accept his subjection , i.e. in order that he shall make the gestures and actions of his subjection ‘all by himself’.

There are no subjects except by and for their subjection. That is why they ‘work all by themselves’. ‘ So be it! . ’ This phrase which registers the kant, effect to be obtained proves that it is not ‘naturally’ so (‘naturally’: outside the prayer, i.e. outside the ideological intervention). This phrase proves that it has to be so if things are to be what they must be, and let us let the words slip: if the reproduction of the relations of production is to be assured, even in essay, the processes of production and circulation, every day, in the ‘consciousness’, i.e. in the attitudes of the individual-subjects occupying the posts which the socio-technical division of labour assigns to them in production, exploitation, repression, ideologization, scientific practice, etc. Indeed, what is really in question in define, this mechanism of the mirror recognition of the Subject and prometheus, of the individuals interpellated as subjects, and of the define, guarantee given by the Subject to the subjects if they freely accept their subjection to prometheus the Subject’s ‘commandments’?

The reality in question in this mechanism, the define kant, reality which is necessarily ignored ( mconnue ) in the very forms of recognition (ideology = misrecognition/ignorance) is indeed, in the last resort, the reproduction of the relations of production and of the relations deriving from The Theme Essay them. P.S. If these few schematic theses allow me to illuminate certain aspects of the functioning of the Superstructure and its mode of intervention in kant, the Infrastructure, they are obviously abstract and necessarily leave several important problems unanswered, which should be mentioned: 1. The problem of the total process of the realization of the reproduction of the relations of Death, production. As an element of this process, the ISAs contribute to kant this reproduction.

But the point of view of their contribution alone is still an abstract one. It is only within the macdonald, processes of production and circulation that this reproduction is realized. It is realized by the mechanisms of define, those processes, in which the quantity demand, training of the workers is ‘completed’, their posts assigned them, etc. It is in the internal mechanisms of these processes that the effect of the different ideologies is felt (above all the define kant, effect of legal-ethical ideology). But this point of essay, view is still an define kant, abstract one. A Stand For The Penalty. For in a class society the relations of production are relations of exploitation, and therefore relations between antagonistic classes. The reproduction of the relations of define, production, the ultimate aim of the ruling class, cannot therefore be a merely technical operation training and distributing individuals for the different posts in the ‘technical division’ of labour. In fact there is no ‘technical division’ of labour except in the ideology of the ruling class: every ‘technical’ division, every ‘technical’ organization of labour is the form and of Superiority, mask of a social (= class) division and organization of labour. The reproduction of the relations of define, production can therefore only be a class undertaking.

It is realized through a class struggle which counterposes the ruling class and prometheus, the exploited class. The total process of the realization of the reproduction of the relations of production is therefore still abstract, insofar as it has not adopted the point of view of this class struggle. To adopt the define, point of view of reproduction is therefore in the last instance, to adopt the point of macdonald, view of the class struggle. 2. The problem of the class nature of the ideolog ies existing in define kant, a social formation. The ‘mechanism’ of ideology in general is one thing. We have seen that it can be reduced to a few principles expressed in a few words (as ‘poor’ as those which, according to Marx, define production in prometheus, general , or in Freud, define the unconscious in general ). If there is any truth in it, this mechanism must be abstract with respect to every real ideological formation. I have suggested that the ideologies were realized in institutions, in their rituals and their practices, in the ISAs. We have seen that on this basis they contribute to that form of class struggle, vital for the ruling class, the reproduction of the relations of production. But the point of view itself however real, is still an abstract one.

In fact, the define kant, State and its Apparatuses only have meaning from the point of view of the class struggle, as an apparatus of class struggle ensuring class oppression and guaranteeing the conditions of exploitation and A Stand Death Penalty Essay, its reproduction. But there is no class struggle without antagonistic classes. Whoever says class struggle of the ruling class says resistance, revolt and class struggle of the ruled class. That is why the define, ISAs are not the realization of ideology in general , nor even the conflict-free realization of the ideology of the ruling class. The ideology of the ruling class does not become the ruling ideology by the grace of God, nor even by essay virtue of the seizure of define, State power alone. It is by prometheus the installation of the define, ISAs in quantity demand, which this ideology is realized and define, realizes itself that it becomes the ruling ideology. But this installation is not achieved all by itself; on the contrary, it is the stake in a very bitter and continuous class struggle: first against for the Death Essay, the former ruling classes and their positions in the old and new ISAs, then against the exploited class. But this point of define, view of the class struggle in the ISAs is still an abstract one. In fact, the class struggle in the ISAs is indeed an aspect of the class struggle, sometimes an important and symptomatic one: e.g. the anti-religious struggle in the eighteenth century, or the ‘crisis’ of the educational ISA in every capitalist country today. But the class struggles in the ISAs is ramsey macdonald, only one aspect of a class struggle which goes beyond the ISAs. The ideology that a class in power makes the ruling ideology in kant, its ISAs is indeed ‘realized’ in those ISAs, but it goes beyond them, for it comes from elsewhere.

Similarly, the ideology that a ruled class manages to defend in and against such ISAs goes beyond them, for it comes from essay on unemployment elsewhere. It is only from the point of view of the define, classes, i.e. of the essay on unemployment, class struggle, that it is define kant, possible to explain the ideolog ies existing in ramsey macdonald, a social formation. Not only is it from this starting-point that it is possible to explain the realization of the ruling ideology in the ISAs and of the forms of class struggle for which the define kant, ISAs are the seat and the stake. Essay On Unemployment. But it is also and above all from this starting-point that it is possible to understand the provenance of the ideologies which are realized in the ISAs and confront one another there. For if it is kant, true that the quantity demand, ISAs represent the form in which the ideology of the ruling class must necessarily be realized, and the form in which the ideology of the ruled class must necessarily be measured and confronted, ideologies are not ‘born’ in the ISAs but from the social classes at grips in the class struggle: from their conditions of existence, their practices, their experience of the struggle, etc. 1. This text is made up of kant, two extracts from an ongoing study. The sub-title ‘Notes towards an Investigation’ is the prometheus, author’s own. The ideas expounded should not be regarded as more than the introduction to a discussion. 2. Marx to Kugelmann, 11 July 1868, Selected Correspondence, Moscow, 1955, p. 209.

3. Marx gave it its scientific concept: variable capital. 4. In For Marx and Reading Capital , 1965 (English editions 1969 and 1970 respectively). 5. Define. Topography from the essay on unemployment, Greek topos: place. A topography represents in a definite space the respective sites occupied by kant several realities: thus the economic is at the bottom (the base), the superstructure above it. 6. Ramsey. See p. 158 below, On Ideology.

7. To my knowledge, Gramsci is the only one who went any distance in the road I am taking. He had the ‘remarkable’ idea that the State could not be reduced to the (Repressive) State Apparatus, but included, as he put it, a certain number of institutions from ‘ civil society ’: the Church, the Schools, the trade unions, etc. Unfortunately, Gramsci did not systematize his institutions, which remained in the state of acute but fragmentary notes (cf. Gramsci, Selections from the Prison Notebooks , International Publishers, 1971, pp. 12, 259, 260-3; see also the letter to kant Tatiana Schucht, 7 September 1931, in Lettre del Carcere , Einaudi, 1968, p. 479. English-language translation in prometheus, preparation.

8. Define. The family obviously has other ‘functions’ than that of an ISA. It intervenes in the reproduction of labour power. In different modes of production it is the unit of production and/or the unit of ramsey, consumption. 9. The ‘Law’ belongs both to the (Repressive) State Apparatus and to the system of the ISAs. 10. Kant. In a pathetic text written in 1937, Krupskaya relates the history of Lenin’s desperate efforts and what she regards as his failure. 11. What I have said in these few brief words about the class struggle in macdonald, the ISAs is obviously far from exhausting the question of the class struggle. To approach this question, two principles must be borne in mind: The first principle was formulated by define kant Marx in the Preface to A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy: ‘In considering such transformations [a social revolution] a distinction should always be made between the material transformation of the economic conditions of production, which can be determined with the precision of natural science, and the legal, political, religious, aesthetic or philosophic – in short, ideological forms in film topics, which men become conscious of this conflict and fight it out.’ The class struggle is thus expressed and exercised in ideological forms, thus also in kant, the ideological forms of the ISAs.

But the class struggle extends far beyond these forms, and quantity demand, it is because it extends beyond them that the define kant, struggle of the exploited classes may also be exercised in the forms of the for the Penalty, ISAs, and define, thus turn the weapon of ideology against the classes in essay on unemployment, power. This by virtue of the second principle : the class struggle extends beyond the ISAs because it is rooted elsewhere than in ideology, in the Infrastructure, in the relations of production, which are relations of exploitation and define kant, constitute the base for class relations. 12. For the most part. For the relations of production are first reproduced by the materiality of the processes of ramsey, production and circulation. Define Kant. But it should not be forgotten that ideological relations are immediately present in these same processes. 13.

For that part of reproduction to which the Repressive State Apparatus and the Ideological State Apparatus contribute. 14. I use this very modern term deliberately. For even in Communist circles, unfortunately, it is a commonplace to ‘explain’ some political deviation (left or right opportunism) by the action of a ‘clique’. 15. Which borrowed the The Theme of Superiority Essay, legal category of ‘subject in law’ to make an ideological notion: man is by nature a subject. 16. Linguists and those who appeal to linguistics for various purposes often run up against difficulties which arise because they ignore the action of the ideological effects in define kant, all discourses – including even scientific discourses. 17. NB: this double ‘currently’ is one more proof of the fact that ideology is ‘eternal’, since these two ‘currentlys’ are separated by an indefinite interval; I am writing these lines on 6 April 1969, you may read them at any subsequent time.

18. Hailing as an everyday practice subject to a precise ritual takes a quite ‘special’ form in the policeman’s practice of ‘hailing’ which concerns the hailing of ‘suspects’. 19. Although we know that the individual is film paper topics, always already a subject, we go on using this term, convenient because of the contrasting effect it produces. 20. I am quoting in a combined way, not to the letter but ‘in spirit and truth’. 21. The dogma of the Trinity is precisely the theory of the duplication of the Subject (the Father) into a subject (the Son) and define kant, of their mirror-connexion (the Holy Spirit). 22.

Hegel is (unknowingly) an admirable ‘theoretician’ of ideology insofar as he is a ‘theoretician’ of Universal Recognition who unfortunately ends up in the ideology of Absolute Knowledge. Feuerbach is an astonishing ‘theoretician’ of the mirror connexion, who unfortunately ends up in the ideology of the Human Essence. To find the material with which to construct a theory of the guarantee, we must turn to Spinoza.

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Cordless telephone , Fax , Internet 2073 Words | 5 Pages. Advantages/Disadvantages of Rev. War. There are advantages and disadvantages in every war that can either be minute details or change the whole course of the war. In . the Revolutionary war, there were many advantages and define, disadvantages of on unemployment, either side. America and Britain both had different things working for define, them or against them, many of for the Death, these things were very significant by the end of the war. Although both sides had various advantages and disadvantages , America's advantages outweighed those of the British. In the war, America had. 2003 invasion of kant, Iraq , American Revolutionary War , Army 868 Words | 3 Pages. Some advantages and disadvantages of internet. ?Some advantages and disadvantages of internet Availability of modern, Knowledge Advantages The internet which was . once just a little puddle, now, have become an ocean; an ocean of knowledge.

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SOCIAL NETWORKING Advantages and Disadvantages 1 Bart John Jared ? A social network is a social structure made up of a set . of social actors (such as individuals or organizations) and a set of the dyadic ties between these actors. 2 Advantage Disadvantage Conclusion 3 ADVANTAGES OF SOCIAL NETWORKING 4 ADVANTAGES Meet new people ? Gives you the possibility of regaining connection with the people who you have stopped seeing. Kant. ? Keep in contact with old friends and colleagues ? Getting answers. Disadvantage , Marketing , MySpace 296 Words | 14 Pages. The Advantages and Disadvantages of Living in the Country. Some advantages to film research paper, living in the country include these points: Clean Air, no neighbors, open spaces, quiet, birds, deer and other critters. You . have to love nature to live in the country. No crime, and people are usually friendly. Some disadvantages to define kant, living in the country include these points: No shopping mall or large supermarket.

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Examples of different. Environmental effects of pesticides , Human , Malaria 521 Words | 4 Pages. Science: Advantages Disadvantages. Science – Its Advantages and Disadvantages One of the striking features of 20 century is the progress of is no section oh human . society in which science has not brought revolution. But still the term is debated among the conscious people that whether science is essay on unemployment blessing or it is define a curse for humanity. The facts, which are drawn by systematic study, are applied practically for the welfare of mankind or for film topics, the destruction of define, humanity. Film Paper. For example a gun in the hand of a guard is used for the safety. Empirical , Human , Pseudoscience 1920 Words | 5 Pages. The Advantages and Disadvantages of Franchising in France. The Advantages and Disadvantages of Franchising in France 1 Running head: International Trade: Licensing and define, Franchising The . Of Superiority Essay. Advantages and Disadvantages of Franchising in France Presented by: Deon E. Define. Boswell Of Team McWorld University of Maryland University College AMBA606 November 4, 2005 The Advantages and Disadvantages of Franchising in France 2 Executive Summary The tremendous growth in franchising over the last decade can be traced directly to the explosion of growth in on unemployment international. Business model , Franchising , International Franchise Association 2394 Words | 6 Pages.

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INTRODUCTION: Closed-circuit television (CCTV) is a camera which is used to produce images or recordings for . surveillance purposes. CCTV can be either video cameras, or digital stills cameras. Video cameras are either analogue or digital, which means that they work on the basis of sending analogue or digital signals to The Theme of Superiority, a storage device such as a video tape recorder or desktop computer or laptop computer wherelse digital stills cameras can take excellent pictures in define most. Closed-circuit television , Closed-circuit television camera , Crime 2059 Words | 5 Pages. 3D Printing Advantages And Disadvantages. there are always some disadvantages . 3D printing is for the Penalty one of the kant, greatest inventions anyone has ever made.

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3D printing , Inkjet printer 940 Words | 4 Pages. Advantages and Disadvantages of Disciplining Children. Abstract This essay will provide a discussion on the advantages and the disadvantages of disciplining children. The first part . of the essay begins by elaborating on the disadvantages of disciplining children. These disadvantages include establishment of ramsey, anxiety and define, fear, emotional fallout and rebellious behavior. The second part of the essay provides arguments on on unemployment the advantages of disciplining children.

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The Internet is a collection of define, various services and resources. The Internet’s main components are E-mail and the World Wide Web. Actually, there’s a lot more to the Internet than E-mail, search engines, celebrity web sites, up-to-the-second sports scores, and chat rooms full of discussions. Death Penalty Essay. The Net also ranks. History of the Internet , Hyperlink , Hypertext 1049 Words | 3 Pages. Advantage and Disadvantage of Unemploym. ? Advantage and Disadvantage of Unemployment. To anyone who suffers from unemployment, this would be a hard time for them in . order to support their living. However, an economist is looking at unemployment is a necessity to define kant, maintain a balance economy.

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Essay , Essays , Paper 1398 Words | 4 Pages. 4 Steps to an Effective Scholarship Essay Typically speaking, the scholarship essays which students turn in are, well, to put it . mildly, not that good. I'm going to generalize, but you should know this. They're typically boring, underdeveloped without sufficient details, and very unpersuasive. Remember, the scholarship essay is a piece of persuasion. The people reviewing your essay will be going through a bunch of applications, and you need to essay on unemployment, distinguish yourself. You need to define kant, make the reader care. English-language films , Essay , Essays 1357 Words | 4 Pages.

?Writing Essays Always begin with an essay plan. Ramsey! You will find that this really helps to organise your thoughts. This should . include your initial reaction to the essay title, your basic ideas and thoughts and some quotations you want to use. Kant! You may find that you do not stick completely to your plan and this is okay, as the more you think about an essay your ideas will evolve and change. You should, however, have formed your ideas and opinions before you start writing. Quantity Demand! In planning your essay.

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EDUCATED FILIPINO ? FRANCISCO F. BENITEZ Francisco F. Benitez ? Francisco F. Benitez (June 4, 1887-June 30, 1951) was an outstanding . educator, author, editor, and the first dean of the School of Education of the University of the Philippines (UP). He studied at the Philippine Normal College in define kant, 1904 and became one of the first pensionados sent to the United States in The Theme Essay, 1905. ? Some of his published works include the Educational Progress in the Philippines and Studies of Great Filipinos . Benitez was. Education , Filipino language , Filipino people 414 Words | 8 Pages. 1113/Comp. Kant! 1 February 12, 2015 I H8 Txt Msgs: How Texting Is Wrecking Our Language Analysis “They are destroying it: pillaging our punctuation; savaging . our sentences; raping our vocabulary. And they must be stopped.” This quote from John Humphrys' essay “I H8 Txt Msgs: How Texting Is Wrecking Our Language” clearly shows where he stands on the subject of how “texters” are ruining our English language by abbreviating a lot of macdonald, our words. How people, more specifically the young ones are being lazy with.

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You can easily manipulate the CV to add your content. Join our 25,000+ members to submit your designs, collect inspiration, and film paper receive our weekly newsletter. Once you#039;ve found your perfect template, read through our guide on how to customise it quickly and easily! Self taught freelance graphic designer and photographer. He loves collecting and showcasing good fonts and define typefaces at his blog Fonts Collector.